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Die Finanzierung erfolgt über Gebühren. In Europa verfügen über öffentlich-​rechtliche Sender. Logo NDR Fernsehen svg. Vollprogramm, Regionalprogramm für Niedersachsen, Hamburg,. Schleswig-Holstein und Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Landesweite öffentlich-rechtliche Sender mit sprachbezogenen Untereinheiten ​ . Правительства Российской Федерации от 3 декабря г. Hinzu kommen 21 Programme des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks, mehr als regionale bzw. lokale Fernsehprogramme, Teleshoppingsender oder. startete der öffentlich-rechtliche Kanal als Gemeinschaftsproduktion des Zweiten Deutschen Fernsehens, des Österreichischen Rundfunks.

Logo NDR Fernsehen svg. Vollprogramm, Regionalprogramm für Niedersachsen, Hamburg,. Schleswig-Holstein und Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Hinzu kommen 21 Programme des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks, mehr als regionale bzw. lokale Fernsehprogramme, Teleshoppingsender oder. г. finde ich die Berichterstattung der öffentlich rechtlichen Sender ganz in Ordnung und habe dementsprechend für "befriedigend" gestimmt.

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The third group consisted of civic groups and former children s producers both in Germany and the UK. The selection of the interviewees was done in a systematic manner and after careful assessment by identifiying key personalities who were likely to make a useful contribution to the research based on their professional knowledge and experience.

The aim from the researcher s perspective was representativeness and comparability. To ensure representativeness of the interview material a balanced selection was undertaken of relevant interview partners with instrumental involvement and senior roles in the multi-platform public service provision for children, in longer-term strategic planning and in the context of public service policy and governance and interest groups.

To ensure comparability of contributions of people with similar levels of authority and insight in decision-making processes, interviewees with similar former or current roles and responsibilities were selected in the UK and Germany.

Furthermore, a certain amount of structure has been applied to the interviews. They have been conducted using an interview guide with broader interview areas, some specific questions, and room for discussion of further important points which emerged during the interview.

With some exceptions, the interviews were held in person and audio recorded. The interview areas and questions were tailored to each interviewee to some extent, ensuring that the questions flowed well throughout the interview, focusing on special areas of professional expertise and experience, allowing the interviewees viewpoints to arise naturally, as well as leading to certain subjects.

The interviews were audio recorded with the consent of the participants and later transcribed using the software Scrivener, which was also used for the literature review and document analysis.

The interviews lasted from one to one and a half hours. Fieldnotes were recorded by hand during and after interviews. I used Kvale s list of qualification criteria for interviewers as reference point, which stresses the importance of the attributes of an interviewer as knowledgeable, structuring, clear, sensitive, open, steering, critical, remembering and interpreting, without imposing meaning Kvale, , cited in Bryman, A qualitative researcher ideally performs an ongoing reflection on the research process.

Rapley describes this process as where emerging data and ideas about it suggest further criteria for selecting additional cases, texts or settings, and you specifically seek more data to develop those ideas pp Methods and practicalities of data analysis and writing up As an analytical method I have chosen the thematic analysis Thomas and Harden, , Braun, , because it seems most appropriate for examining challenges and strategies in the field of children s public service media qualitatively through interview and document analysis.

Thomas and Harden 3 argue that the thematic analysis or synthesis, as they refer to it, is an important tool for the evidence-informed policy and practice movement which aims to bring research closer to decision-making.

Thematic analysis uses an inductive approach, where major themes emerge from data through a close reading of interview transcripts and documents.

At several stages of re-reading, data is repeatedly analysed and reduced to themes with data reduction as an ongoing activity Rapley, This process leads to the re-ordering of data from descriptive to analytical themes.

The thematic analysis and synthesis was undertaken in four stages using a mix of deductive and inductive analysis: transcribing and reading, initial coding through highlighting and labelling, categorising and indexing, and analytical coding.

Where possible, the material was broadly grouped into these categories. The material was coded and analysed for common themes and concepts, chunks of texts were assigned to codes and key words and a bank of codes p.

Some examples of these initial codes and key words are legalistic debate, public concern, bureaucracy, cordialities, restrictions, minefield media politics, phantom war, competitors complaints, legislator, boundaries, legal complexity, undefined legal terms, legislator, court cases, understanding rules, accept regulation, sceptical observation, depublication, uncertainty about online availability periods, programmerelatedness, rules and purposes, games without programme-relation, threestep-test, different extent of scrutiny, broadcasting councils, etc.

Afterwards, the codes were reviewed, similar codes were merged, repetitions deleted, themes identified, related codes were then grouped into descriptive themes and arranged in a hierarchical list of codes of metathemes, themes and sub-themes.

Then the coded material of the UK respondents and documents was compared with the German material within the above mentioned categories.

Meta-themes emerged within these categories such as challenges related to specific rules for online provision, challenges related to understanding of rules, challenges related to public debate, challenges related to governance, challenges related to how rules were interpreted and implemented, challenges related to communication between broadcasters and departments about rules and regulation, etc.

Then, these descriptive themes and categories were reviewed again in relation to the research questions and literature review.

Now more abstract, analytical themes were developed from the initial themes by way of interpretation, refinement and judgement Thomas and Harden, At the end of the process, the analytical themes linked to selected quotes were then incorporated into the comparative argument in relation to the research questions of the thesis chapters Braun and Clarke, , in order to make the findings about the differences and similarities between the UK and Germany available to the reader.

Examples of analytical themes are Challenges in category Broadcaster, e. Coordinating the old and the new world, Collaboration and communication and Challenges in category Writing was key to the research.

In the process of qualitative social research writing is regarded not as a tool for the final stage of analysis but as an essential practice at all stages of the analytic trajectory Rapley, A continuing process of evaluation and rewriting formed an important basis to the analysis and the development of themes.

Rapley points to the focus that writing enables and describes it as a rich and analytic process as you find yourself not only attempting to explain and justify your ideas, but also developing them.

Thus, as Silvermann 11 adds, good qualitative data analysis is expressed in how well we write Weaknesses Firstly, I had to acknowledge that any research is influenced by various factors, which may affect the choice of a theoretical framework and research tools, formulation of research questions, practical considerations.

My personal subjectivity, values and attitudes are only a few of these factors. As Hesmondhalgh and Toynbee 3 argue, [t]o attempt to understand a society is actually to write a story about it, which is shot through with your own subjectivity and cultural values.

Values can reflect either the personal beliefs or the feelings of a researcher, and although it is expected that research practitioners should be value free and objective in their research Bryman, 22 , this research acknowledges the writer s own research experiences.

Values and preconceptions can intrude on any research and at various research stages and any approach to interpretation and abstraction can be problematic.

It is therefore important for the researcher to keep up an awareness of the interpretative nature of the analysis and the limitations within it.

The thematic analysis is also seen as critical by some, because its outcome very much depends on the level of insight and knowledge of the reviewer and of those interviewed Thomas and Harden, Another problem of the thematic analysis is that the process of pulling out segments of texts risks social setting and context being lost Bryman, Several rereading rounds and a careful destruction and interpretation of the texts The complexity and scope of the data form a weakness in the approach, as well a strength.

The strength of the comparative periodised approach has been discussed in detail. A weakness could lie in the greater amount of literature to review and the complexity of the data-gathering and analysis.

For this research, the selection of interviewees can be seen as an obvious intervention by the researcher. Overestimating the cohesiveness of institutional discourse drawn from a small number of individual interviewees in itself carries the risk of simplification Buckingham et al.

Therefore, to take into acccount the small number of interviewees, a careful, aware and transparent selection process is crucial, as it may impact the findings.

Due to the selective nature of small samples, and the various factors that can influence semi-structured expert interviews, the generalisability of qualitative research is viewed as critical by some see Bryman, However, this qualitative research does not aim to create statistical data.

The objective of the qualitative researcher seeks less the generalisation than an understanding of concepts, behaviour, values, themes and beliefs in the context of the area of research p.

Summary Chapter 2 has clarified the methodology, the research design and the structure of this thesis.

The next chapter looks at the broadcasters challenges and strategies in the broadcasting past. It seeks to gain an understanding of past challenges faced by public service broadcasters in serving children, and how they negotiated those challenges.

The research will concentrate on television, not on radio broadcasting. This review will provide the historical context and help to analyse the broadcasters strategies and challenges during the contemporary multiplatform era and, where helpful, contrast it with those of earlier periods.

It will also create an awareness of those strategies, challenges, purposes that have been associated with children s public service media in the past and those that are new to the multi-platform era.

When television was launched, television itself was a new medium, which had to be set up alongside an established and popular medium, radio broadcasting Home, In the early days of the provision, there was a lack of technical reach, precarious public viewing environments e.

A child television audience, as such, had obviously not existed before, and was brought into being when broadcasters started to think about children and television and about This kind of continuous provision had not existed before.

That the new media not only brought challenges for broadcasters with regard to children is shown, for example, by the opportunity perceived by German PSBs, when they set up a channel specifically for children, broadcasting at a time when most children watched TV: 'The great chance is that we can reach children [ ] also during times, where we don't have any possibility in the context of the main channels, namely between 5pm and 8pm.

Television was not set up as an accompanying medium to radio, but because of its initial link to radio, some of the early children's characters, brands and programmes did exist across radio and television Home, This led to the fact that the BBC s provision for children was regarded by some as a 'microcosm of television forms, a mix of different genres, styles and content Mary Adams, cited in Oswell, Notably, the literature demonstrates that for early BBC programmes the concept of children's programmes as a 'miniature' of the general audience schedule Oswell, 23 generated a much wider range of genres to 'mirror that of the service as a whole, from fictional entertainment to factual information programmes Buckingham et al.

For that reason, the BBC's early TV provision for children has now gained retrospective recognition, and is described as a 'golden age of children's TV Home, It is also noteworthy that researchers describe After the broadcasters had moved away from the concept during the phase of early commercial competition, in the late s, the idea of the 'miniature BBC was re-instated and the diversity of programmes was increased Buckingham et al.

By then covering drama, light entertainment, sport, news and current affairs, documentaries, magazines, films, cartoons, puppets and preschool programmes, this period was described as the second golden age in the UK Home, Many TV producers were inexperienced in the early days, when TV became a mass medium after the war Home, It may have originally been seen as an advantage that, in West Germany, broadcasters could draw from a pool of experienced TV production staff when they started in , the TV service having remained on-air for most of the war Hickethier, However, it is likely that this may actually have been a constraint in terms of the renewal and innovation of the medium, and for setting out some kind of founding ethos for children's TV similar to the BBC.

In sharp contrast to the founding ethos referred to in the British context, the West German early provision is described as being programmes 'continued in the same fashion as they had been broadcast on national socialist radio and television 2 Kübler, 2.

It was characterised by the strategy to hold on to the popular radio concepts and creative staff of the s Hickethier, 95 , almost ignoring the fact that the new TV medium now had a very different role to play in the newly formed democracy Building a founding ethos of children s PSB Two different factors seem to have played a fundamental part in establishing the role and ethos of children s provision by the BBC: the scarcity of status and funding see below , and the early commercial competition.

It is argued that to compensate for the financial limitations and reputational shortcomings faced by children's programme makers in the s, both the concept of children's television as a miniature of the BBC and the concept of the children s broadcaster as a noble occupation were born Buckingham et al.

When commercial competitor ITV launched in Buckingham et al. Concerns towards children s television constructed around Americanisation, violence and commercialisation impacted the way in which the BBC built their own public service profile namely, by contrasting these concerns with the responsible broadcaster that provides to children in a responsible and ethical manner Oswell, The concept of children s provision as a miniature version of the main broadcaster, which can be regarded as a key element of the founding ethos of PSB for children at the BBC, was not emphasised in the West German context.

Although public service broadcasting in West Germany is built on similar ideas and aims as those of the BBC, the German literature shows that the children's provision was thought of as a rather detached service of the main output for the general audience.

This approach may have been influenced by the continuation of another early concept of provision for children. A producer suggested that the provision during the NS time was deliberately designed to be detached from the main service to keep children away from the real world see Obrig, ; for context, see Hickethier, In view of the observation that TV staff continued to work in children s TV in the same fashion after the war, this attitude, therefore, may have also been taken over into the next period.

That this characteristic may have impacted later periods is suggested by the fact that a news programme directed at children took much longer to become established as one of the currently firm elements of children s PSB, even though, in the s, information content for children was regarded as the weakest point of [ ] children s television 3 in West Germany Schmidbauer, John Craven s Newsround was evaluated at ARD broadcasters then, but plans for a similar programme were dismissed Schmidbauer, For example, ZDF s news programme logo gained a secure and regular time in the schedules only in the s Kübler, On the other hand, in post-war West Germany, there appeared to be a As early as the s, US programming was offering an entertaining weekend programme in contrast to the more conservative PSB educational in-house productions screened on week days by the regional stations that constitute the first PSB network in Germany Stötzel, 76, Similarly, American fictional content acquisitions like Flipper and Lassie were important in the early days of children's provision by public service broadcaster ZDF s existence, when ZDF launched as the second national PSB network in West Germany in Stötzel, , and initially replaced what some called a lack of vision for a ZDF children's provision Müller, b.

In the early days, the importance of US American content, as well as some aspects of previous periods, and a lack of a construct of national or home-grown content emerging in the early days from media discourse in the UK, have characterised the provision in Germany and may not have allowed a distinct founding ethos of a children s public service broadcasting tradition to manifest itself at that time.

In the UK, broadcasters were also aware of the challenges regarding a federal children s provision. After ITV had challenged the BBC s children s provision in the early period, the BBC's central structure quickly proved to be an advantage, through establishing long-running series and a recognisable schedule.

Some argue that ITV was less successful in establishing longrunning series, due to its non-centralistic structure and a challenging relationship between the major and the regional companies Home, 45 , which together formed ITV.

In West Germany, limited production budgets provided an early reason for the ARD regional broadcasters to join forces in the s specifically for children and to create content together Schmidbauer, The co- However, the internal competition between ARD stations also proved challenging at times.

For example, after , with the policies of greater investment in children's provision and greater collaboration for a more consolidated approach to children's provision, the federal system showed what may be seen as both its weakness and its strength the diversity of perspectives and voices at ARD.

Broadcasters sometimes struggled to agree over the children s provision, not least because they differed in their educational approach Löhr, It soon became apparent that at times the ARD's federal set-up formed a disadvantage in regard to children s provision: firstly, with regard to ARD itself, when the advertising pre-primetime slot PSBs remit allowed adverts in the afternoon and pre-primetime proved more successful in creating and funding popular content for children than the federal children's departments see Schmidbauer, 81, ; and, secondly, when ARD faced new competitor ZDF's more centrally-organised provision in , which quickly found ways to reach the majority of children with popular content and long-running series many of which were imported.

Like Home s analysis of the differences in structure of the BBC and ITV 45 , it was held in Germany that the programme planning [of ZDF] is centralised, one can plan schedules more structuredly, set priorities and screen longrunning series.

Not least, therefore, ZDF programmes are generally known better by the children 5 Rainald Merkert, cited in Schäfer, While the ARD broadcasters soon chose to collaborate over children s provision, the review clearly showed that ARD and ZDF, throughout their history, saw each other as competitors in their efforts to provide content for children.

Strategies were often formulated in response to the competitor's strategies Löhr, 52; Schmidbauer, Most notable, therefore, is the fact that much later in the history of children's broadcasting, in response to increasing competitive pressures from outside the public service realm and an overhaul of the television landscape towards multi-channel television, ARD and ZDF joined forces for children to an unprecedented At that point, ARD and ZDF both focused and arguably subordinated their own children's output to that of the newly created joint children's channel.

Home, 35; Mundzeck, As a manifestation of this low priority, the scarcity of funding, is a characteristic of children s broadcasting that both the UK and Germany share.

For some, paucity of funding appertains to television for children as the stick to the lolly 6 Müntefering, Related to its lowly status, Schmidbauer 12 finds German children s television throughout its history chronically underfinanced 7.

The same is reported in the literature about the BBC history see, for example, Buckingham et al. The period when ZDF launched in is also described as a time when children's provision enjoyed a low reputation Schäfer, The moment when children s provision dipped to its lowest status in BBC history was, arguably, in the s, when the children's department merged with Women s Programmes to become a Department of Family Programmes Home The event has become part of the collective memory in BBC's children's broadcasting Buckingham et al.

It is understood to have created for generations to come an enduring sense of the precariousness of the children s provision Buckingham et al.

This emerges from the very early period of children's broadcasting in the s Buckingham et al. In Germany, on the other hand, similar complaints only appear more regularly In , it was still held that [a] great part of children s television is not in danger of disappearance, it already has disappeared, in thinking, planning and public demand 8 Müntefering, In the late s, some of the sources revealed that children's programme producers were held in low esteem, because of the place of children in German society.

The former head of ZDF s children s department held: Unfortunately, in Germany it is the case, and that is, I think, one of the basic problems, that as little as children are fully accepted in society, also children s programme makers or children s film producers are not really taken seriously.

That is completely different in other countries 9 Susanne Müller, cited in Internationales Zentralinstitut für das Jugend- und Bildungsfernsehen, 6.

Yet, in one period, the s, the status and role of public service children s television seemed to have inspired considerable internal debate within PSBs.

Some departments now saw the PSB departments as playing an important role in the lives of children, and emphasised their responsibility towards them.

For example, one ZDF department suggested that another ZDF department which also commissioned children s content was actively involved in further marginalising children in society by creating a kind of ignorance towards the child's real life through a provision that existed mostly of fun and light entertainment, creating an alibi of a golden ghetto of child-friendliness 10 Ingo Herrmann, cited in Müller, b.

In contrast, in Britain it is argued that the early and continuous internal deliberation at the BBC about the too low status of children s television led those involved in producing it to establish a strong ethos of children s public service broadcasting very early in the BBC s history.

It is argued that they constructed children's broadcasting as a responsible and important vocation, informed by the perceived contrast between the responsibility and intrinsic importance of their vocation and its lowly status in the large world of television Buckingham et al.

For many, the launch was seen as a consequence of the increasing competition with commercial channels Bachmair and Stötzel, A public service children s channel was now seen as a necessary counterweight in a commercialised media market Christian Rohde, cited in Blickpunkt: Film, For others, there were also other rationales at work and the launch of the children s channel to some extent, therefore, functioned as a means to another end: With the Children s Channel, ARD and ZDF could and wanted to enforce an entitlement for the realisation of specialist channels.

Through it, not only were the needs of children and parents answered, but also in regard to media policy the public service broadcasters entitlement for their own special interest channels was manifested as its best with an especially important example: a quality programme, that stimulates and is fun and does not reduce its viewers to consumers.

This can be seen as one indication about the actual role of children s provision towards the end of this historical account, and explains why, despite the ARD and ZDF s common endeavour to launch a specialist channel for children, commentators argue that, greatly in contrast to the British situation, the status of German children's broadcasting was absent from executive planning and its relevance was continuously decreasing Müntefering, Although the literature points to the fact that advertising-funded television was introduced to the German TV landscape only in the s and therefore much later than in the UK, researchers showed that the challenge of However, another form of commercial competition arose very early from within the ARD in form of the pre-primetime advertising slot Schmidbauer, The 'advertising frame programme' 'Werberahmenprogramm' , a mixture of commercials, animation and many children s entertainment programmes, attracted children and became the 'family television time 14, and was referred to as the secret children s programming 15 within public service and aired many children's favourites.

It formed a phenomenon characteristic of German public service children s television until the late s Schmidbauer, 13; Hickethier, In both countries, the same concept of a well-functioning duopoly of children s public service broadcasting in the late s, s and s emerged.

This period is recognised as a time of higher investment in children's programming and a comprehensive children's provision in the history of children s public service broadcasting for Germany, see Kübler, 6.

In the UK, the duopoly of commercially-funded ITV and publiclyfunded BBC forms an important element of the history, in which they were described as two committed providers of children's content, and as competitors, when commercial broadcaster ITV took over characteristics of In both contexts, literature carries the idea of a relative stability and positive competition brought about by this duopoly, in the UK sometimes called the 'regulated duopoly' Buckingham et al.

In the UK, the 'regulated duopoly' in children s PSB is regarded as an item of history, in Germany as well to a certain extent, since ARD and ZDF have set up a joint children's channel and have successively withdrawn children's content from their main channels as has the BBC Being part of a commercial multi-channel landscape Overall the history of children s public service broadcasting is characterised by a fragmentation of the media environment in which broadcasters had to adapt to a multiplication of competing outlets of both public service and commercial channels free-to-air and pay-tv , amplified by cable and satellite and later digital television added by the expansion over IP see Humphreys, The end of this historical account, the late s, is characterised by an increasing number of specialist children's channels Ofcom, a: 20; Gangloff, Public service broadcasters under the ARD-umbrella and the BBC started out with a monopoly on children's broadcasting, then witnessed public service competition and an everincreasing commercial competition in a converged, fragmented digital multiplatform media market by the late s.

Children were catered for by a growing media provision, more content was specifically made and distributed for children at the end of the historical account compared with the earlier periods Buckingham et al.

However, in both countries with the multiplication of distinct content also came an increasing gap between screened and originallyproduced content D'Arma and Steemers, b.

Furthermore, D Arma and Steemers a: argue that the deregulatory move brought about by the Communications Act and the abolition of quotas for commercial public service broadcasters led also to popular children s broadcaster ITV s drastically reduced investment in children s programming and has therefore moved Britain closer to countries like Germany that rely primarily on publicly-funded organisations to achieve public service goals.

Therefore, over time, the BBC, ARD and ZDF increasingly acted in a similar commercial media environment, where they played similar roles as the main providers of original and home-grown children s content.

Steemers a describes the many different aspects of commercialism which affect public service broadcasting both in Germany and the UK.

On the one hand, noncommercial content and social and cultural as opposed to market rationales and aims form core pillars of public service children s content and services in both countries.

Commercial and public service media are often held as antagonists and, specifically in Germany, PSB is regarded as a counterweight to commercial media Christian Rohde, cited in Blickpunkt: Film, On the other hand, PSB underwent a structural commercialisation to a certain extent throughout its history, and adapted rationales and aims characteristic of profitability-driven commercial media for it to act in a media economy.

PSBs were also impacted by developments in the whole television ecology, where media production became linked to concepts of a free market and choice and flexibility see Oswell, For example, this development has been driven by the multiplication of outlets and fragmentation of audiences and funding, which led to a 'reorientation of the [BBC s] public service culture to accommodate a more commercial children's media environment' Steemers, a: 5.

The BBC s remit towards generating further additional income from international distribution and co-production through a commercial subsidiary forms one aspect of the marketisation of PSB as a whole that was reflected in children s broadcasting Steemers, a: 5.

Some argue, a new emphasis at the BBC was to promote programming that promised additional income and fund new programming by producing high on-screen value preschool programmes, hoping to place the BBC in a global marketplace Steemers, a: 38 Segmenting the audience Finally, with the creation of specialist channels, children were accepted by PSB as a distinct and separate audience segment.

It made a more specific segment out of the previously more loosely conceptualised child audience.

That children were best served as a distinct audience group was initially not a public service concept. By creating specialist children's channels, the broadcaster utilised [t]he private structure model but with public service content 16 Müller, a: ; for the BBC rationales about separating preschool audiences, see Steemers, a: With the increasing availability of market and audience research data during the history of children s PSB, broadcasters in the early days moved from not knowing but assuming what children needed and demanded as a TV audience, to ignoring available research Buckingham et al.

Knowledge about the child audience influenced the nature of public service broadcasting in many ways.

At the end of the history covered in this review not only children s viewing habits, but also [c]hildren s individual opinions have come to be increasingly valued by broadcasters trying to maintain a competitive advantage in this marketplace Messenger Davies, 99 Commercial rationales as benefit and constraint The development towards a market-led system must be seen as a multi-level process, where developments pull in different directions.

Public service goals are not necessarily given up by adopting aspects of commercialism, as not all [ Whether the commercial rationales at play challenged or benefited the PSB provision depends on the understanding of public service content, the nature and role of additional commercial revenues within a public service institution and how they fund public service activities, and many other concepts that underlie public service for an analysis of commercial tendencies in regard to the justification of the public service remit, see Steemers, a.

The examples in this research show that public service and commercial rationales have been intertwined in children s provision throughout its history.

Some elements of this multi-level process are regarded as challenging for a public service broadcasting provision, some elements are regarded as having greatly benefited the provision for children.

This was because they had not created a recognisable stock of public service programming brands, which later allegedly threatened the broadcasters independence from the market Müntefering, Meanwhile, preschool formats that were sold internationally in the late s, Teletubbies and Tweenies, greatly contributed to the reputation of the BBC s children s provision Steemers, b.

An example from the late s, where commercial rationales arguably benefited the provision of original children s programming, was when, despite an agreement to keep children away from advertising, the children s departments followed a policy of co-operating with the commercial subsidiaries of the ARD, who also financed children's content at the time Schmidbauer, This strategy arguably benefited the public service provision of original high on-screen value children s content and probably produced a loyal PSB audience among children at the time, yet at the same time acquiesced with the model of an advertising-funded public service provision for children a concept PSBs later explicitly distanced themselves from, see next chapter.

This challenge, derived from debates about possible effects of media on children, was inspired by both sceptics and proponents of the media and some argue that they were as old as broadcasting itself 17 Riedel, For example, many of the early broadcasts on Sunday afternoons caused some anxiety in ecclesiastical circles Home, In the UK, early concerns included Americanisation, commercialism, violence and the loss of educational In Germany, research points out the concerns in regard to physiological and mental harm, distortion of the intimacy of the family, and the loss of children s insouciance and cheerfulness 18 Stötzel and Merkelbach, For example, Messenger Davies 47 mentions this earlier state of anxiety amongst policy-makers and opinion formers about the impact of new technology prevalent in the late s.

The range of critics was considerable. Although television was popular, academics of all disciplines and churches began to declare the harmful effects of television viewing on the development of children in both countries in the s see Schmidbauer, 12; for Britain, Buckingham et al.

Some academics declared that children under ten, nine or under seven must not watch television at all Mundzeck, Newspapers also began to publish their concerns about children s television Oswell, Some academics declared: The dangers of the medium can be regarded as proven Heribert Heinrichs cited in Mundzeck, These early voices were the beginning of a series of concerns that could be heard throughout the s in both countries, and further throughout the history.

Public concern impacted on the environment of children s public service broadcasting, but also on the children s public service provision itself, when broadcasters reacted to it.

At different time periods, public concern functioned in different ways. Sometimes it appeared to have had a positive impact on the provision, sometimes it led to the limitation of the provision.

Sometimes it seemed to have counteracted broadcasters strategies, sometimes concern appeared to have helped them Impact of public concern As a positive example, in the s, concerns about commercial television formed a central rationale for creating a public service children s channel in Germany Müntefering, Kinderkanal later KiKA launched in The increase of commercial children s programming was seen to have led to an erosion of the public service children s television 19 Müller, and a radical change retrospectively comparing it to radical changes in the digital s Blickpunkt: Film, Some described the Therefore, arguably, the crisis helped the children's provision to progress, because stepping up seemed inevitable.

The head of ZDF children's television summarised the effect the debate had on the launch of the children s channel: The children were to be safeguarded from a flood of commercial purchasing incentives through advertisements and from too much violence on TV.

In this climate of debate the considerations for a public service children s channel could ripen 20 Müller, Broadcasters point to the fact that both the climate of crisis and anxiety and the weaknesses of the commercial providers in the field of children s programming 21 served as a better environment for pushing towards a policy change in Germany than any pedagogical rationale and were probably the reasons for the approval rather than any pure appreciation of the programming work at the PSBs and, therefore, helped ARD and ZDF to argue for expansion in spite of a considerable resistance 22 Müntefering, Other examples show that concerns about television often also had a strongly constraining impact on the public service provision for children.

In the s, concerns led to the implementation and readjustment of the youth law, which included regulation about young children's access to cinemas, restricting children under 6 years from going to the movies Schmidbauer, And, by the end of the s, the ARD had apparently given in to public concern, and changed their strategy on children s television insofar as they discontinued the provision for under- eight-year-old children, despite the obvious limited impact of such a strategy on the actual viewing behaviour of children Schmidbauer, Researchers regard this as a strategy unique to the German public service context see Schmidbauer, ; Stötzel and Merkelbach, and some also hold it factually never resulted in an exclusion of younger children 23 Kübler, 7.

Meanwhile, the BBC were creating programmes specifically intended for young children. As a side effect of this self-limitation, Heidtmann observes a strengthening of children s radio in Germany in this period.

Radio for young children became the only non-print media that continuously At the time of this research, children s radio was appearing as a more substantial element of the public service provision in Germany in the ARD-network than at the BBC.

The BBC also responded to concerns. The early efforts to introduce some kind of regulative age-related scheduling that reduced possible harmful effects, aiming to prevent younger children watching content for older children, is one example Buckingham et al.

The application of the concept of children s developmental stages can be traced back to this period of concerns, which evolved into a common understanding of children See Chapter 4 Configuration of concerns and interests However, two very different developments emerged.

In Britain, something took place during the early period of children s PSB that Oswell describes as an emerging configuration of interests and concerns.

These interests and concerns led to further organised forms of concern the lobbying for and against children s media. The roots of lobby groups still active at the time of the implementation of multi-platform media go back to this period.

For example, one of the lobby groups in Britain at that time, The Council for Children s Welfare, submitted their concerns that the Westerns and crime series, particularly on the commercial channel ITV, would lead to an accumulation of violence to a commission scrutinising broadcasting at the time, the Pilkington Committee.

In Germany, the early debates about children s broadcasting were described as debates that remained enclosed within separate expert circles of academics, politicians, churches.

Also in the s, according to Stötzel and Merkelbach , children s television was not the subject of a broad public debate. A debate in the s, which built on children s television as an integral part of child culture is regarded as the continuation of the historic debate that utilised established concepts of quality children s However, this debate, too, stayed in a circle of specialists.

Some believed the debate to be inspired by Catholic and Protestant churches Müntefering, Churches had also been longterm stakeholders as producers and investors in the children s public service media landscape in Germany for the role of churches in public service broadcasting, see Herbig, , for involvement in PS children s content, see companies EIKON and Tellux, Kinderfilm, Cross Media.

Others saw it inspired by the publisher of a media pedagogy journal and the newly created research institute at Bayerischer Rundfunk, IZI Kübler, 12 , creating a debate to which churches, academia, programme makers and regulators then joined Bachmair, a: 1; see also Kübler, Commercial concern The concerns of commercial competitors also played a part in the public debate about public service children s provision.

In Britain, Barwise 90 finds a trend of [a]ggressive anti-bbc lobbying. In both countries, PSBs faced critics demanding measures to keep their commercial activities and expansionary ambitions in check Steemers, Competitors had for some time lobbied against what was perceived as a boundless expansion of public service broadcasters.

For example, when the BBC launched specialist children s channels, companies such as Nickelodeon, Fox Kids and Disney were reported to fear that the BBC is trying to put them out of business Sherwin, Observers described a bitter row with the BBC over the launch of the Corporation s children s channels Wynn, Although at the BBC it was held that there s no real evidence that we re adversely affecting the commercial sector Nigel Pickard, cited in New Media Markets, , some commercial channels felt that regulatory processes were in breach of the Communications Act epd Medien, a.

One argument was that they were not given enough time to reply during the public consultation period Wynn, Also the then head of ZDF Children s points to commercial complaints and judicial actionism that led to legal complaints against the PSB children s channel at the European Commission Müller, ; Later in , when the children s channel extended its on- air time to 9.

When broadcasting launched, children did not exist as a distinct audience, because, as Oswell 78 points out, [c]hildren, teenagers, and adults did not naturally and simply fall into categories and time-slots.

As audiences they had to be shaped into audiences. The concept of the child audience is itself constructed from other concepts, namely the concept of childhood and the idea that children form a distinctly separate section of society Oswell, Buckingham et al.

However, serving the child viewer provided the broadcasters with a continuous challenge, because children proved to be a more heterogenous group of people than sometimes thought, and as Jans 34 puts it: Childhood is highly determined by the spirit of the times.

Kübler 15 points to a peculiarity of the provision for children that shows the pitfalls of too narrow an understanding of the child viewer.

He argues, [S]ince television is broadcast, children have been viewing and are viewing not only programmes made and designed for them: children s TV as receptive action and children s TV as programming only partially coincide.

For example, children s broadcasters realised very quickly that children did not favour the weekday shows which were particularly made for them, but, already at a young age, and increasingly when they become older Schmidbauer, 33 , watched adventure shows and general audience programmes in the early and late evenings Löhr, and often preferred them Kübler, 2, for children s viewing habits, see Ofcom, a.

This has led to the situation that, while an increasing number of channels competed for the children s attention, the child audience was simultaneously becoming smaller.

The average number of children per woman fell from 2. From a German perspective, the demographic and demoscopic data were initially understood as more disadvantagous for private than for public broadcasters, because There are just too few children, so that you hardly can reach reasonable ratings with the pure child 28 Müntefering, However, the many competing outlets challenged all broadcasters, because it subdivide[d] this minority audience into still smaller minorities Messenger Davies, The increasing differentiation, segmentation and hybridization of child audiences Oswell, raised the pressure on public service broadcasters to acquire a large enough share of the child audience to stay relevant to children and to society as a whole.

Summary This chapter showed some of the challenges of children s public service media in the broadcasting past and how broadcasters negotiated them, highlighting some differences and similarities in the two countries.

PSBs acted in a constantly changing environment and broadcasters went through several periods of change. However, the children s PSB environment and its development were also characterised by several continuities, such as a low status within the PSB institution, the public concern towards children's broadcasting or commercial competition and marketisation.

Challenges derived from the following areas: Broadcaster e. For the purpose of research tasks in Part Three of this thesis, these categories will be utilised as a framework for the analytical and argumentative dimensions and for the main conclusion in the last chapter.

In Part 2, the thesis will look at how broadcasters negotiated the challenges during the transition to a multi-platform provision. It is likely that in regard to the challenges in the multi-platform history, some issues and some similarities and differences from the past will re-emerge and some will be new, and this chapter will help to distinguish between them.

This chapter has discussed some challenges of public service broadcasting for children. The next chapter will look at how the broadcasters understanding of the opportunities and the purpose of children s public service broadcasting has evolved during different periods in the broadcasting past.

It will review literature on children s public service media regarding the way in which broadcasters have understood the purpose of media offered to children and how this has changed during several periods in the past.

The aim of this chapter is to gain an understanding of the differences and similarities in how broadcasters viewed the purpose of public service children s television in the broadcasting past, and how the role of PSB in serving children changed.

This chapter will help with the original research to recognise how broadcasters understand the purpose of their provision in the multi-platform era, and it will distinguish older concepts of the purpose of PSB from those that emerged in the multi-platform era and may have evolved through the transformation of the broadcaster into a multi-platform provider or through any other external changes in the broadcasters environment.

The literature review has shown that on a macro-level public service broadcasters in both countries had a similar understanding of the overall purpose and role of a public service children's provision.

This purpose can be broadly described with the terms entertain, educate, inform and, in Germany, advise as well KiKa, ; these are also the central concepts found in the legal remit of PSB.

On a lower, more detailed level, however, the understanding had been changing throughout the different periods as PSB adapted to developments inside and outside the broadcasters in response to changes in the public and political debate about children and media; in response to debates about commercial media, education and the role of PSBs; in response to regulation and technological advances; and in response to the behaviour of competitors and audiences.

Over time, therefore, the purpose covered several concepts, such as education, stimulating learning, participation, information, entertainment, advice, protection, emancipation and empowerment.

The emphasis on these aspects has changed over the years, but, more importantly some of the However, the concept of participation has different roots in the UK and Germany and from the early days has developed differently within the two public service systems, one of them being more closely linked to political ideas of participatory citizenship than the other.

Children s TV was regarded as a public act Oswell, 49 , and participation as an aspect of good citizenship formed one of the early underlying ideas of public service television in its radio days, and from early on also formed an important influence on children s content see Wagg, One concept of participation was that television allowed children to participate in those wider public worlds, a space that was believed to be far richer and broader than that experienced by children in their day-to-day experiences Oswell, The comparably greater diversity in children s programming at the BBC can be traced back to the early understanding of PSB for participation in this wider public space Buckingham et al.

This more political rationale underlying participation does not emerge from the literature as one of the founding ideas of PSB after the war in Germany.

Here, participation does emerge from the literature on early children s broadcasting, but was not understood in the political sense of public Children s participation was envisaged as taking place in very restricted private areas, which Hickethier calls an exterritorial area of a children s television ghetto.

A similar belief was held in both countries that at the opposite end of the spectrum of the participating child was the passive child.

Passivity was something to fight against, their participation something to stimulate. However, both ideas, that of passivity of children and that of children s participation appeared to mean two different things in the two national contexts.

In Germany, children were prompted to partake in active and meaningful play within enclosed spaces in the private realm.

Participation was promoted for things children were expected to do, namely in arranged and directed play, supervised by adults Hickethier, This understanding of participation is found in the context of the so-called arts education 2 and conserving pedagogy, 3 characteristic of children s television during the early years Schmidbauer, Hickethier argues that this approach simultaneously of activation and restriction was rooted in NS ideology brought over into democratic life, describing the approach as a manifestation of concepts of conduct and leadership, their structurally interwoven principle is obedience.

It can make a private pleasure a public act Mary Adams, , cited in Oswell, Here, television was supposed to be a tool to enable the active child to connect to the outside world and develop what was thought of as good citizenship Oswell,

Г¶ffentlich Rechtliche Fernsehsender Topnavigation

Feldhamster mich liebe Wo seid ihr? Operation Spuk 1. Märchenhafter Oman. JanuarS. Beatles, Bowie, Bond. Anna und die continue reading Tiere. Jedoch sind die öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten der Meinung, dass die Unabhängigkeit vom Staat auf diese Weise geschmälert werde. Danach war Ruhe.

To ensure these broadcasters remained independent and pluralistic in their governance, organisation and output '[e]specially the British Broadcasting Corporation BBC served as a model for German public broadcasters in their early history Schulz et al.

However, the services for children in the two countries at the time of this research remain very different in terms of scope, funding, content production, definition of remit, public accountability, legislation and in the extent of involvement in multi-platform media for children beyond traditional broadcasting.

The research examines reasons for some of these differences. For example, public service broadcasting in the UK from early on evolved as a centralised undertaking through the founding of the single broadcaster BBC Potschka, , different to the German situation, where several publicly-funded broadcasters with a public service remit were established in different federal states.

Therefore, the fact that Germany is a federal country is strongly reflected in broadcasting Potschka, when it comes to regulation as well as corporate strategies.

Rundfunkänderungsstaatsvertrag, , their entertainment remit appears 8. A research with a comparative approach looking at the BBC, ARD and ZDF can illuminate differences in the strategies and their underlying rationales as well as in the specific challenges both in historical and cross-national comparisons and, by doing so, identify the characteristics of the two public service systems, in order to provide valuable material for further debate and research on the role, remit and regulation of public service media in the online era.

Part One provides the context, including introduction, methodology, research design, and literature review. Parts Two and Three consist of the original research.

The substantive subject of this research is the transition from public service broadcasting to public service multi-platform media for children under 13 years in the UK and Germany, where public service broadcasters offer content and services on multiple platforms, including traditional TV, radio, online and mobile media.

The research focuses on the publicly- 9. The substantive aim of the research is to establish the differences and similarities in the challenges and opportunities the broadcasters perceive and the strategies they apply during the implementation of a multi-platform provision for children.

The central question of the research is: How do publicly-funded public service broadcasters in the UK and Germany perceive and negotiate challenges and opportunities related to the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children?

Definitions: Public service media for children I have chosen to concentrate on services for children under 13, because broadcasters services for children in the UK and in Germany target children in this age range.

When this thesis addresses public service broadcasting or public service media for children, it addresses content and services made for children Buckingham et al.

Children s media in the context of this research are not media that are used, watched or played by children children use, enjoy and learn from programmes, content and services made for adults, as well as programmes and services made for children.

For the purpose of this research, children s media are defined as media that are produced for children to use, watch, play or listen to them.

This research understands children s programmes or content not as a programme genre, but draws on the approach that it is the target audience, not a particular language, topic or format that defines them D Arma and Steemers, a: Therefore, the areas under scrutiny in this research are the content and services produced by public service broadcasters for children, distributed on television, radio, online and mobile media.

My research will concentrate Services and content relevant to this research include television channels radio only contextually distributed on linear or non-linear platforms; websites and portals offering content ranging from images, texts and feeds to games and video players or downloads; online on-demand repositories; representations on third party platforms; tools for playing, listening, creating, searching or exchanging digital content, including tools for user-generated content or social and interactive media, such as blogs, chats and multi-player games Definitions: Public service media covered in this research For the research, the multi-platform products and services for children of the BBC and six German public service outlets and channels were examined, ARD, Das Erste, SWR, BR, ZDF and KiKA three public service broadcasters, a network of broadcasters, two jointly produced channels.

At ARD, four streams of online media developed alongside each other. First, a stream of some ARD-broadcasters general children s propositions, often under a genre section called Children.

Third, a stream of websites related to a specific children s TV or radio programme e. In this research, four propositions represent this range of different ARD-broadcasters services for children.

By the end of the period covered in this research, kinder. The online offering included programme-related text-based websites and embedded selected television programmes in a safeguarded environment Programmdirektion Erstes Deutsches Fernsehen, Also ARD Digital ard-digital.

It did not offer links to on-demand content for children. SWR s Kindernetz was targeted at preschool and school children, had a focus on news, information and knowledge content Rundfunkrat des MDR, 65 as well as on participation, interaction and media education.

Kindernetz offered a variety of text-based websites, games, social media applications, animated videos, news feeds, games and embedded video and audio content ibid.

Central participatory element was Germany s longestrunning public service social media platform for children, launched in.

BR-Kinderinsel Children s Island is an example of a less comprehensive proposition with much smaller budget than the SWR service with close ties to BR s radio content for children.

As a website produced by BR s online department together with the radio department, and part of the Department Multimedia and Youth, it consisted mainly of text-based websites, some games and embedded audio and video for children of all ages.

ZDF launched tivi. According to interviewees, tivi. Content and services on ZDFtivi. Previously part of the department New Media, the ZDFtivi online teams had merged with the children s television department shortly before the time of the interviews, sign-off for the online services now lay within the editorial department Children and Youth.

Different to other propositions such as Das Erste s videos section for children, ZDFtivi s interface resembled more an on-demand application like iplayer.

As this research shows, for services other than traditional linear television KiKA s remit was less clear at the time of the research, as it offered a different portfolio online than on television.

It will be argued that during the time of the research, in the multi-platform era, the children s channel brand KiKA did not represent the central public service children s brand that it had been representing in the broadcasting era.

Until , KiKA had offered a comprehensive and among children successful website, kika. In , a separate preschool portal, Kikaninchen.

Comprehensive on-demand and catch up content for child audiences were offered on the general iplayer service and, from , on separate children s versions of the iplayer, accessible through the CBBC and CBeebies channel websites BBC, a.

The first BBC website for children was launched in Buckley, a followed by websites relating to specific TV programmes such as Teletubbies in Marc Goodchild cited in Cineuropa, The BBC s cross-platform Part One Chapters Part Two Chapters Part Three Chapters Part One provides the literature review and helps to situate the research and its subjects in previous academic endeavours and findings.

Parts Two and Three form the original research. Following the introduction to the research in Chapter 1, Chapter 2 develops the methodology and the research design.

Chapters 2 answer the following review questions: What constitutes an appropriate 1 methodology, 2 conceptual framework research design , and 3 methods for answering the research questions related to the substantive aim?

What are the strengths and limitations of the chosen methodology qualitative comparison of media systems, thematic analysis, constructive analysis and methods semi-structured interviews and document analysis for this research?

In Part One, Chapters 3 and 4, I examine public service broadcasting for children over several periods in the broadcasting past, in order to evaluate the contemporary discourse in Parts Two and Three about the transformation of children s public service broadcasting to a multi-platform provision.

Chapters answer the following review questions: What does the literature reviewed suggest about how these public service broadcasters negotiated challenges in the broadcasting past?

I want to gain an understanding of the past strategies and perceptions of broadcasters and their relationship with the child audience.

This will enable me to contrast and compare them with the challenges and opportunities perceived by broadcasters, and the strategies applied, during the contemporary phase of technological, economic, regulatory and social change.

The historical perspective is valuable for my further research, because several key issues in the discourse about children and public service media have consistently informed debates: From Chapters derive research questions RQ1, RQ2, RQ3: RQ1: How do publicly-funded public service broadcasters in the UK and Germany undertake the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children?

They draw together the findings from the qualitative research, including document and policy analysis and fieldwork interviews with broadcasters, producers and stakeholders in the policy-making process.

Part Two looks at the history of public service multi-platform provision from the mid s until Part Three focuses on the development of the provision between and For a structured comparison, the history of PSB has been divided into several time periods, where certain developments mark changes in the provision.

The results of this structured comparison are organised thematically within the chapters and point to similarities and differences between the two media systems in regard to these themes.

They summarise the findings on the similarities and differences of past strategies, and the perceived challenges and purposes relating to the broadcasters new media activities.

The period under examination extends from the start of the first online services in the mid s until Chapters provide the first set of answers to research questions RQ1, RQ2 and RQ3.

Part Three, Chapters , analyse the broadcasters strategies, challenges and definitions of the purpose at the time of the research, Part Three, Chapter 8 will analyse how broadcasters viewed the child audience and the purpose and opportunities of the multi-platform provision for children while serving this audience.

It will look for differences and similarities in the broadcasters understanding of the audience, and of the purpose and opportunities of a multi-platform provision.

Chapter 8 aims to answer research question RQ3: RQ3: How do broadcasters perceive the opportunities related to the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children and define the purpose of children s multi-platform services?

This chapter will also compare the ways in which broadcasters described and understood the general transformation during the period.

Chapter 9 aims to answer research question RQ1: RQ1: How do publicly-funded public service broadcasters in the UK and Germany undertake the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children?

Chapter 10 will compare some contributory factors in the broadcasters environments. Chapters set out to answer research question RQ2: RQ2: How do publicly-funded public service broadcasters in the UK and Germany perceive the challenges related to the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children?

It will synthesise the findings of Part 3 and link them to review findings of Part 1 and research findings of Part 2. Chapter 14 aims to synthesise the findings in order to answer the central research question: How do publicly-funded public service broadcasters in the UK and Germany perceive and negotiate challenges and opportunities related to the transition from broadcasting to a multi-platform provision for children?

Summary This chapter has described the aims, function and relevance of this research and has outlined the structure of the thesis.

The next chapter will discuss the methodology, the research design used, and the methods applied during the research.

The main sources for the research are: secondary literature; primary literature from broadcasters, regulatory bodies and interest groups; press coverage on PSB and children s media; over 30 semi-structured interviews with representatives of broadcasters, regulators, interest groups and academia; fieldnotes taken during interviews and attendance at conferences and seminars relevant to the research.

The research draws upon theories and perspectives from media research as well as from other academic fields.

It combines approaches in media and communication studies with organisation studies and narrative analysis Gabriel, ; Czarniawska, ; and cognitive linguistics Lakoff and Johnson, This thesis aims to deliver accessible research by situating the research within a combination of theoretical perspectives, but at the same time using a specific and clearly set out conceptual framework to lead the methodology of the research Comparative analysis This research utilises comparative analysis.

Inspired by Iosifides , who shows the advantages of approaching research crossroads with caution by looking in the rear mirror to view the past, and the side mirror to take account of foreign experience, this research applies more than one comparative level.

It not only compares broadcasters in two countries, but also compares these broadcasters present with their past. For example, Iosifides finds it very rare that debates over the future shape of UK Public Service Broadcasting look beyond Britain.

Similarly, Hallin and Mancini 2 argue that in countries with the most-developed media scholarship, most literature is highly ethnocentric.

They hold that features of one s own media system are assumed to be natural, or in some cases are so familiar that they are not perceived at all, and therefore see the biggest strength of the comparative approach in its ability to denaturalize ibid.

They show that comparison forces us to conceptualize more clearly what aspects of that system actually require explanation Hallin and Mancini, 2.

According to Hallin and Mancini 1 , comparative analysis is valuable in social research, because it sensitizes us to variation and to similarity, and this can contribute powerfully to concept formation and to the refinement of our conceptual apparatus.

A comparative approach can produce a valuable canvas for reflection and conceptualisation by carving out things we did not notice and therefore had not conceptualized p.

Several theoretical frameworks have been deployed to compare public service broadcasters. Many researchers, for example, have looked at the present challenges of public broadcasting, some across national borders Donders and Moe, ; Humphreys, ; Humphreys, b; Iosifides, ; Iosifides, ; Jakubowicz, ; Michalis, ; Steemers, ; a; ; Steemers, a; Woldt, Some of these research examples have been helpful as reference points to construct a conceptual framework for this research, others by showing the importance of both the systematic description and the systematic comparison as stages of the comparative analysis.

A system here is understood as a complex system of organisations formed for a specific purpose and time- Hallin and Mancini s model, was less beneficial for this research task, because of the emphasis on the role of the press and the political dimension of media systems.

It acted as a reference point in so far as it shows the importance of studying the historical development of institutions p.

Dunleavy added to the conceptual framework by showing that analytical concepts have to be simple enough to be commonly understood.

For example, Iosifides , compares the strategies of European PSBs in the digital era by way of comparing national case studies across certain categories, such as General characteristics of the TV market, The regulatory framework, Funding and others Qualitative, constructivist analysis This research will draw its conclusions from a qualitative, constructivist analysis within the systematic comparison.

The qualitative approach opens up to social researchers other research tools and methods that the quantitative approach cannot offer, namely, to discover a phenomenon in all its textures and nuances, to focus on and explore Rapley, Bryman 4 argues that methods of social research are closely tied to different visions of how social reality should be studied.

To understand social realities, both quantitative and qualitative research are important contributors to knowledge, and also to the field of public service media.

Academic research on the goals, performance and strategies of broadcasters would be less substantial if it lacked quantitative data on, for example, total and specific budgets, minutes of programme output, viewing times and media use.

However, this research project aims not to create figures from the comparison, but as qualitative research using thematic analysis, what it aims to develop out of the data are themes, concepts, categories, and their relation to each other Bryman, The research establishes the differences and similarities in the challenges, opportunities and strategies, assuming that these social phenomena and categories have no technical definition with formal properties, nor exist independently from social actors individuals or institutions that shape and interpret these categories.

Constructivists build their work upon the assumption that knowing is not matching reality, but rather finding a fit with observations Pasztor, Lakoff and Johnson s theory of embodied realism delivers another element of the theoretical framework.

Human experience and metaphor are building stones of their theory. They claim that our minds are inherently embodied and that we can organise abstract reasoning only within the limits of our sensory-motor systems.

Lakoff and Johnson , therefore argue that metaphors, drawn from how we have been experiencing the world around us, are a central element of most abstract, conceptual systems and form a key to our understanding of abstract phenomena.

Metaphors provide excellent tools for the comparison, because they are understood as comparative tools for theorising similarity between two different types of activity by projecting characteristics of something concrete on to an abstract concept or by using spatial orientation of, for example, up and down, front or back Lakoff and Johnson, Metaphors can help to structure complex concepts with the help of other concepts to describe a phenomenon.

For example, story, quest or challenge are such metaphors that help organise the way we think, communicate and collaboratively or individually find solutions to problems.

This research uses the concept of metaphor for the conceptual framework as a tool to structure the investigation, as well as during the thematic analysis of the research material, by using it as a key to understanding the broadcasters perspective, and institutional and subjective reasoning.

First, throughout the research, from data gathering and analysis to the writing up phases, I tried to uphold a self-reflective understanding of the researcher s position as a distinct viewpoint, and remind myself to recognize and acknowledge that research cannot be value free Bryman, Secondly, I tried to uphold a general openness to the research field and the themes and issues that occurred.

I followed Rapley s advice: who argues, when undertaking analysis you need to be prepared to be led down novel and unexpected paths, to be open and to be fascinated.

Potential ideas can emerge from any quarter from prior and ongoing reading, your knowledge of the field, from engagements with your data, from conversations with colleagues, and from the life beyond academia and from any phase in the life-cycle of the project.

There can be many reasons to start a research project. Some research is motivated by concerns about problems, inequalities, or underperformance of democratic structures.

Others can be motivated by curiosity about phenomena, some emerge out of the researcher s personal biography Bryman, 5.

The motivation to embark on this research project is perhaps a strong belief in the importance of media and communication in democratic societies, considered as important for a flourishing civil society and for a flourishing creative and journalistic production landscape.

I set out to undertake this research with the presupposition that media for children are an important provision in the public interest; and, as carriers of stories, knowledge and culture, the media are as important in children s lives as they are for adults.

It was thus a belief in the need for a strong and sustainable public service and an innovative and prospering production landscape that pre-informed my research perspective, the formulating of research aims and research questions.

Story is regarded as both a structural and ontological metaphor and is used here to describe phenomena related to public service broadcasters building on e.

The second concept is that of the history of public service media as an ongoing cyclical narrative, seeing periods come and go over many decades.

Therefore, one turn of the story cycle is a specific time period in the longterm narrative in the history of public service media.

For the argumentative dimension the research and thesis utilises B the comparison as an argumentative tool.

This leads to a historicised and periodised comparative approach, with the concept of story at its centre. In this construct, the period on which the research interviews are focused forms only one of many periods in the history of public service media.

The story cycle represents a closed narrative sequence with beginning and end. The choice of device builds on the view that Accordingly, the period under scrutiny, namely, the transition from public service broadcasting to public service multi-platform media, was regarded as only one period in a sequence of many periods during the history of public service broadcasting.

The original research therefore aims to provide qualitative data about moments in the history of the overarching organisational narrative of children s public service broadcasting, placing these moments and periods in the context of previous moments and periods.

The research divided the PSB history into three macro periods, the broadcasting past Chapters , the multi-platform past Chapters , and multi-platform present Chapters For the comparative analysis, the macro periods were divided into micro periods, phases.

Also the broadcasting past was divided for this research into six phases Argumentative dimension comparison On the level of each of the above-mentioned categories strategies, challenges, purpose, contributory factors the second explanatory dimension is to be found, the comparison.

On the level of each of these categories the thesis points to several themes, from which differences and similarities emerged from the source material.

Chapters , and compare the broadcasting past, multi-platform past and multi-platform present in the UK and Germany, dividing the PSB history into three macro periods and several micro periods, which created the space for the analysis and the main argumentative dimension relevant to the written thesis, in order to identify themes and the related similarities and differences.

Chapters look at how broadcasters have negotiated challenges in the broadcasting past, with the aim of contextualising the present challenges during the multi-platform implementation.

These headings are employed in the final conclusion of the thesis. The Conclusion Chapter 14 draws together the findings from the previous chapters.

Here, the secondary argumentative dimension Present Past changes and continuities is important. The second phase included the study of documents and policies.

The semi-structured expert interviews took place in and both in the UK and Germany, with the main bulk of interviews having been undertaken by April and a final phase of interviews in late The interviews, together with the documents and policy documents, have been the most important source of data for answering the research questions with regard to the strategies and perceived challenges and opportunities faced by public service broadcasters in their transition to a public service multi-platform media provider for children.

I chose the semi-structured expert interview method and a qualitative approach, because this allowed me to produce research findings based on immediate practical specialist knowledge Bogner, Littig and Menz, and the world views of research participants Bryman, Expert interviews are an appropriate tool for this research project, because it is This research understands experts as stakeholders who have access to information about decision-making processes and are responsible for implementing decisions, strategies and solutions Meuser and Nagel, As a method expert interviews provide not only the advantage that respondents have special insight, responsibilities and knowledge, but also that the interviews can be an efficient and concentrated method of gathering data in those social fields where access may be restricted Bogner, Littig and Menz, 2.

One issue to be considered in a research that uses field interviews and document analysis is access and the selection of an appropriate sample group of of interviewees.

Gaining access to stakeholders in the media who are relevant for this research can be regarded as one of the most difficult steps of the research Bryman Access to different relevant stakeholders varied, ranging from interview requests being denied to a timely scheduling.

Overall the research was regarded by respondents as relevant research in the field. Some interviewees who agreed to take part in the interviews, asked for their anonymity to be protected and many interviewees asked for parts of their contributions to be anonymised when sensitive topics were discussed.

In view of recent examples of qualitative research about public service multi-platform media based on anonymised interviewees see, Bennett et al.

For the reader the group of interest of the interviewees is indicated within the text, interviewees are referred to by number throughout and show if quotes derive from interviews held and fieldnotes made in Germany or in the UK D -prefix or UK -prefix, e.

D21, UK For a list of interviewees, please see Appendix II. Interviewees have been selected from three groups of interest: 1 producers both TV and online , including editorial, audience research, and interactive technology and design, 2 governance, and 3 civic interest groups.

The The third group consisted of civic groups and former children s producers both in Germany and the UK. The selection of the interviewees was done in a systematic manner and after careful assessment by identifiying key personalities who were likely to make a useful contribution to the research based on their professional knowledge and experience.

The aim from the researcher s perspective was representativeness and comparability. To ensure representativeness of the interview material a balanced selection was undertaken of relevant interview partners with instrumental involvement and senior roles in the multi-platform public service provision for children, in longer-term strategic planning and in the context of public service policy and governance and interest groups.

To ensure comparability of contributions of people with similar levels of authority and insight in decision-making processes, interviewees with similar former or current roles and responsibilities were selected in the UK and Germany.

Furthermore, a certain amount of structure has been applied to the interviews. They have been conducted using an interview guide with broader interview areas, some specific questions, and room for discussion of further important points which emerged during the interview.

With some exceptions, the interviews were held in person and audio recorded. The interview areas and questions were tailored to each interviewee to some extent, ensuring that the questions flowed well throughout the interview, focusing on special areas of professional expertise and experience, allowing the interviewees viewpoints to arise naturally, as well as leading to certain subjects.

The interviews were audio recorded with the consent of the participants and later transcribed using the software Scrivener, which was also used for the literature review and document analysis.

The interviews lasted from one to one and a half hours. Fieldnotes were recorded by hand during and after interviews. I used Kvale s list of qualification criteria for interviewers as reference point, which stresses the importance of the attributes of an interviewer as knowledgeable, structuring, clear, sensitive, open, steering, critical, remembering and interpreting, without imposing meaning Kvale, , cited in Bryman, A qualitative researcher ideally performs an ongoing reflection on the research process.

Rapley describes this process as where emerging data and ideas about it suggest further criteria for selecting additional cases, texts or settings, and you specifically seek more data to develop those ideas pp Methods and practicalities of data analysis and writing up As an analytical method I have chosen the thematic analysis Thomas and Harden, , Braun, , because it seems most appropriate for examining challenges and strategies in the field of children s public service media qualitatively through interview and document analysis.

Thomas and Harden 3 argue that the thematic analysis or synthesis, as they refer to it, is an important tool for the evidence-informed policy and practice movement which aims to bring research closer to decision-making.

Thematic analysis uses an inductive approach, where major themes emerge from data through a close reading of interview transcripts and documents.

At several stages of re-reading, data is repeatedly analysed and reduced to themes with data reduction as an ongoing activity Rapley, This process leads to the re-ordering of data from descriptive to analytical themes.

The thematic analysis and synthesis was undertaken in four stages using a mix of deductive and inductive analysis: transcribing and reading, initial coding through highlighting and labelling, categorising and indexing, and analytical coding.

Where possible, the material was broadly grouped into these categories. The material was coded and analysed for common themes and concepts, chunks of texts were assigned to codes and key words and a bank of codes p.

Some examples of these initial codes and key words are legalistic debate, public concern, bureaucracy, cordialities, restrictions, minefield media politics, phantom war, competitors complaints, legislator, boundaries, legal complexity, undefined legal terms, legislator, court cases, understanding rules, accept regulation, sceptical observation, depublication, uncertainty about online availability periods, programmerelatedness, rules and purposes, games without programme-relation, threestep-test, different extent of scrutiny, broadcasting councils, etc.

Afterwards, the codes were reviewed, similar codes were merged, repetitions deleted, themes identified, related codes were then grouped into descriptive themes and arranged in a hierarchical list of codes of metathemes, themes and sub-themes.

Then the coded material of the UK respondents and documents was compared with the German material within the above mentioned categories.

Meta-themes emerged within these categories such as challenges related to specific rules for online provision, challenges related to understanding of rules, challenges related to public debate, challenges related to governance, challenges related to how rules were interpreted and implemented, challenges related to communication between broadcasters and departments about rules and regulation, etc.

Then, these descriptive themes and categories were reviewed again in relation to the research questions and literature review.

Now more abstract, analytical themes were developed from the initial themes by way of interpretation, refinement and judgement Thomas and Harden, At the end of the process, the analytical themes linked to selected quotes were then incorporated into the comparative argument in relation to the research questions of the thesis chapters Braun and Clarke, , in order to make the findings about the differences and similarities between the UK and Germany available to the reader.

Examples of analytical themes are Challenges in category Broadcaster, e. Coordinating the old and the new world, Collaboration and communication and Challenges in category Writing was key to the research.

In the process of qualitative social research writing is regarded not as a tool for the final stage of analysis but as an essential practice at all stages of the analytic trajectory Rapley, A continuing process of evaluation and rewriting formed an important basis to the analysis and the development of themes.

Rapley points to the focus that writing enables and describes it as a rich and analytic process as you find yourself not only attempting to explain and justify your ideas, but also developing them.

Thus, as Silvermann 11 adds, good qualitative data analysis is expressed in how well we write Weaknesses Firstly, I had to acknowledge that any research is influenced by various factors, which may affect the choice of a theoretical framework and research tools, formulation of research questions, practical considerations.

My personal subjectivity, values and attitudes are only a few of these factors. As Hesmondhalgh and Toynbee 3 argue, [t]o attempt to understand a society is actually to write a story about it, which is shot through with your own subjectivity and cultural values.

Values can reflect either the personal beliefs or the feelings of a researcher, and although it is expected that research practitioners should be value free and objective in their research Bryman, 22 , this research acknowledges the writer s own research experiences.

Values and preconceptions can intrude on any research and at various research stages and any approach to interpretation and abstraction can be problematic.

It is therefore important for the researcher to keep up an awareness of the interpretative nature of the analysis and the limitations within it.

The thematic analysis is also seen as critical by some, because its outcome very much depends on the level of insight and knowledge of the reviewer and of those interviewed Thomas and Harden, Another problem of the thematic analysis is that the process of pulling out segments of texts risks social setting and context being lost Bryman, Several rereading rounds and a careful destruction and interpretation of the texts The complexity and scope of the data form a weakness in the approach, as well a strength.

The strength of the comparative periodised approach has been discussed in detail. A weakness could lie in the greater amount of literature to review and the complexity of the data-gathering and analysis.

For this research, the selection of interviewees can be seen as an obvious intervention by the researcher.

Overestimating the cohesiveness of institutional discourse drawn from a small number of individual interviewees in itself carries the risk of simplification Buckingham et al.

Therefore, to take into acccount the small number of interviewees, a careful, aware and transparent selection process is crucial, as it may impact the findings.

Due to the selective nature of small samples, and the various factors that can influence semi-structured expert interviews, the generalisability of qualitative research is viewed as critical by some see Bryman, However, this qualitative research does not aim to create statistical data.

The objective of the qualitative researcher seeks less the generalisation than an understanding of concepts, behaviour, values, themes and beliefs in the context of the area of research p.

Summary Chapter 2 has clarified the methodology, the research design and the structure of this thesis. The next chapter looks at the broadcasters challenges and strategies in the broadcasting past.

It seeks to gain an understanding of past challenges faced by public service broadcasters in serving children, and how they negotiated those challenges.

The research will concentrate on television, not on radio broadcasting. This review will provide the historical context and help to analyse the broadcasters strategies and challenges during the contemporary multiplatform era and, where helpful, contrast it with those of earlier periods.

It will also create an awareness of those strategies, challenges, purposes that have been associated with children s public service media in the past and those that are new to the multi-platform era.

When television was launched, television itself was a new medium, which had to be set up alongside an established and popular medium, radio broadcasting Home, In the early days of the provision, there was a lack of technical reach, precarious public viewing environments e.

A child television audience, as such, had obviously not existed before, and was brought into being when broadcasters started to think about children and television and about This kind of continuous provision had not existed before.

That the new media not only brought challenges for broadcasters with regard to children is shown, for example, by the opportunity perceived by German PSBs, when they set up a channel specifically for children, broadcasting at a time when most children watched TV: 'The great chance is that we can reach children [ ] also during times, where we don't have any possibility in the context of the main channels, namely between 5pm and 8pm.

Television was not set up as an accompanying medium to radio, but because of its initial link to radio, some of the early children's characters, brands and programmes did exist across radio and television Home, This led to the fact that the BBC s provision for children was regarded by some as a 'microcosm of television forms, a mix of different genres, styles and content Mary Adams, cited in Oswell, Notably, the literature demonstrates that for early BBC programmes the concept of children's programmes as a 'miniature' of the general audience schedule Oswell, 23 generated a much wider range of genres to 'mirror that of the service as a whole, from fictional entertainment to factual information programmes Buckingham et al.

For that reason, the BBC's early TV provision for children has now gained retrospective recognition, and is described as a 'golden age of children's TV Home, It is also noteworthy that researchers describe After the broadcasters had moved away from the concept during the phase of early commercial competition, in the late s, the idea of the 'miniature BBC was re-instated and the diversity of programmes was increased Buckingham et al.

By then covering drama, light entertainment, sport, news and current affairs, documentaries, magazines, films, cartoons, puppets and preschool programmes, this period was described as the second golden age in the UK Home, Many TV producers were inexperienced in the early days, when TV became a mass medium after the war Home, It may have originally been seen as an advantage that, in West Germany, broadcasters could draw from a pool of experienced TV production staff when they started in , the TV service having remained on-air for most of the war Hickethier, However, it is likely that this may actually have been a constraint in terms of the renewal and innovation of the medium, and for setting out some kind of founding ethos for children's TV similar to the BBC.

In sharp contrast to the founding ethos referred to in the British context, the West German early provision is described as being programmes 'continued in the same fashion as they had been broadcast on national socialist radio and television 2 Kübler, 2.

It was characterised by the strategy to hold on to the popular radio concepts and creative staff of the s Hickethier, 95 , almost ignoring the fact that the new TV medium now had a very different role to play in the newly formed democracy Building a founding ethos of children s PSB Two different factors seem to have played a fundamental part in establishing the role and ethos of children s provision by the BBC: the scarcity of status and funding see below , and the early commercial competition.

It is argued that to compensate for the financial limitations and reputational shortcomings faced by children's programme makers in the s, both the concept of children's television as a miniature of the BBC and the concept of the children s broadcaster as a noble occupation were born Buckingham et al.

When commercial competitor ITV launched in Buckingham et al. Concerns towards children s television constructed around Americanisation, violence and commercialisation impacted the way in which the BBC built their own public service profile namely, by contrasting these concerns with the responsible broadcaster that provides to children in a responsible and ethical manner Oswell, The concept of children s provision as a miniature version of the main broadcaster, which can be regarded as a key element of the founding ethos of PSB for children at the BBC, was not emphasised in the West German context.

Although public service broadcasting in West Germany is built on similar ideas and aims as those of the BBC, the German literature shows that the children's provision was thought of as a rather detached service of the main output for the general audience.

This approach may have been influenced by the continuation of another early concept of provision for children.

A producer suggested that the provision during the NS time was deliberately designed to be detached from the main service to keep children away from the real world see Obrig, ; for context, see Hickethier, In view of the observation that TV staff continued to work in children s TV in the same fashion after the war, this attitude, therefore, may have also been taken over into the next period.

That this characteristic may have impacted later periods is suggested by the fact that a news programme directed at children took much longer to become established as one of the currently firm elements of children s PSB, even though, in the s, information content for children was regarded as the weakest point of [ ] children s television 3 in West Germany Schmidbauer, John Craven s Newsround was evaluated at ARD broadcasters then, but plans for a similar programme were dismissed Schmidbauer, For example, ZDF s news programme logo gained a secure and regular time in the schedules only in the s Kübler, On the other hand, in post-war West Germany, there appeared to be a As early as the s, US programming was offering an entertaining weekend programme in contrast to the more conservative PSB educational in-house productions screened on week days by the regional stations that constitute the first PSB network in Germany Stötzel, 76, Similarly, American fictional content acquisitions like Flipper and Lassie were important in the early days of children's provision by public service broadcaster ZDF s existence, when ZDF launched as the second national PSB network in West Germany in Stötzel, , and initially replaced what some called a lack of vision for a ZDF children's provision Müller, b.

In the early days, the importance of US American content, as well as some aspects of previous periods, and a lack of a construct of national or home-grown content emerging in the early days from media discourse in the UK, have characterised the provision in Germany and may not have allowed a distinct founding ethos of a children s public service broadcasting tradition to manifest itself at that time.

In the UK, broadcasters were also aware of the challenges regarding a federal children s provision.

After ITV had challenged the BBC s children s provision in the early period, the BBC's central structure quickly proved to be an advantage, through establishing long-running series and a recognisable schedule.

Some argue that ITV was less successful in establishing longrunning series, due to its non-centralistic structure and a challenging relationship between the major and the regional companies Home, 45 , which together formed ITV.

In West Germany, limited production budgets provided an early reason for the ARD regional broadcasters to join forces in the s specifically for children and to create content together Schmidbauer, The co- However, the internal competition between ARD stations also proved challenging at times.

For example, after , with the policies of greater investment in children's provision and greater collaboration for a more consolidated approach to children's provision, the federal system showed what may be seen as both its weakness and its strength the diversity of perspectives and voices at ARD.

Broadcasters sometimes struggled to agree over the children s provision, not least because they differed in their educational approach Löhr, It soon became apparent that at times the ARD's federal set-up formed a disadvantage in regard to children s provision: firstly, with regard to ARD itself, when the advertising pre-primetime slot PSBs remit allowed adverts in the afternoon and pre-primetime proved more successful in creating and funding popular content for children than the federal children's departments see Schmidbauer, 81, ; and, secondly, when ARD faced new competitor ZDF's more centrally-organised provision in , which quickly found ways to reach the majority of children with popular content and long-running series many of which were imported.

Like Home s analysis of the differences in structure of the BBC and ITV 45 , it was held in Germany that the programme planning [of ZDF] is centralised, one can plan schedules more structuredly, set priorities and screen longrunning series.

Not least, therefore, ZDF programmes are generally known better by the children 5 Rainald Merkert, cited in Schäfer, While the ARD broadcasters soon chose to collaborate over children s provision, the review clearly showed that ARD and ZDF, throughout their history, saw each other as competitors in their efforts to provide content for children.

Strategies were often formulated in response to the competitor's strategies Löhr, 52; Schmidbauer, Most notable, therefore, is the fact that much later in the history of children's broadcasting, in response to increasing competitive pressures from outside the public service realm and an overhaul of the television landscape towards multi-channel television, ARD and ZDF joined forces for children to an unprecedented At that point, ARD and ZDF both focused and arguably subordinated their own children's output to that of the newly created joint children's channel.

Home, 35; Mundzeck, As a manifestation of this low priority, the scarcity of funding, is a characteristic of children s broadcasting that both the UK and Germany share.

For some, paucity of funding appertains to television for children as the stick to the lolly 6 Müntefering, Related to its lowly status, Schmidbauer 12 finds German children s television throughout its history chronically underfinanced 7.

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